Nero 19

Chapter XIX – Infidelities

(Villa of Caius Silius, Rome, Dies Lunae Kal. Ian. DCCCI A.V.C., in the 7th year of the reign of the Emperor Claudius [or Monday, 1st January AD 48])

‘Medici graviores morbos asperis remediis curant.’

(‘Doctors cure the more serious diseases with harsh remedies.’)

- Curtius Rufus

Apollinus and I could not remain at Palaemon’s domus to see the new year in because we were required for our usual duties at dawn. Gaius, with Hylas, and Petronius, with his own personal adult slave, therefore escorted us back to Caius Silius’ urban villa at midnight, with DCCCI still six hours away from arriving according to the Roman clock.

After kissing our respective lovers all too briefly because of the early start to our daily chores, Apollinus and I quickly proceeded to our beds in the villa basement, after first reporting our return to the senior slave on watch. My friend and I then slept soundly but not just because of tiredness, the very pleasant evening so recently enjoyed or the expensive wine drunk, which had been consumed carefully to avoid inebriation. We also lay content because we knew that our master, in his guise of occasional sexual predator, would not attack our rear orifices overnight.

Caius Silius had long since ignored me but now Apollinus was also fortunate enough to be spared our master’s amorous attentions, seemingly because our owner did not want any upset to the boy’s useful relationship with Petronius.

I have just referred to Apollinus as ‘boy’ but perhaps hereon I should describe him as a ‘youth’ because both of us were now rapidly approaching our 16th birthdays. I, possibly because of my gelding, still looked much younger than my age, with a completely smooth face and body, and so the term was probably still appropriate for me. However, I could tell that my friend would soon need the razor for his chin and his groin already displayed a little hirsute tuft indicating his advance towards manhood.

Although neither of us were Romans, both of us were sufficiently assimilated to the customs of our captors to not only appreciate that calling someone, who, if free, would soon be eligible for the toga virilis, a ‘boy’ was meant to be deeply insulting but also share that view. Fights between young citizens, caused by use of the derogatory appellation, were frequent, although we slaves had to accept it without demur, especially, as I have previously advised, because it forms an integral part of our own official titles.

Despite his inexorable progression to manhood, Apollinus’ beauty was, if anything, blossoming further, refining into an immensely attractive youthful splendour, which would happily remain with him for a long time. He now caught the eyes of many, both male and female, but, for the moment, his own only really concentrated on one other person, who was now no longer myself.

I did not mind that Apollinus did not currently seek reward from me for his kind expert morning attention to my cleanliness and appearance. I instead realised that he wanted to keep all his substantial sexual energies for Petronius, and I could not begrudge either the privilege, especially as I could consequently reserve all of mine for Gaius.

As the year became DCCCI, Apollinus and I had already reluctantly risen from our relatively short slumber and were engaged in morning ablutions. It was chilly and the temperature of our shivering bodies was not improved by having to bathe in cold water in the basement frigidarium, the sole washing facility available to us. We were therefore later relatively pleased to have completed our bodily preparations to go on duty, for at least we could expect to warm up by being active and in that part of our master’s residence served by the efficient hypocaust.

Dawn came after the arrival of the new year because of winter but we both treated the sunlight as the true arrival of DCCCI and I followed Apollinus by greeting Helius, the deity, with a blown kiss for good luck. Little did we know it at the time but we would need all the good fortune the divinity could spare us during the twelve months ahead.

When I later attended Sribonia and Tullia at breakfast, they embarrassingly, at least for me, talked to each other about castration. They did not refer to me but instead recalled the gelding of the youth at their father’s Campanian estate during their summer holidays. The girls had not observed the event but had apparently been given graphic descriptions by their pair of personal young female slaves, who had been present.

“I think that father should have all male slaves castrated,” announced Sribonia, “with the exception of those he wants to use for breeding, who can be cut when they’re no longer needed for that purpose. I’m sure that it’ll improve discipline, with the men and boys concerned no longer being a danger to the poor females.”

“That’s a good idea,” Tullia replied with clear enthusiasm, “so why don’t you suggest it to father. He could start off here with the household slaves, who could be a danger to our own maidenhood. Remember the youth he had to nullify. There could be others around who drool after us!”

My lips quietly gulped some air in horror at the proposal, with, of course, my main concern being for Apollinus’ testes, as I no longer possessed any.

(Noviomagus, south coast of Britannia, Dies Iovis Kal. Feb. DCCCI A.V.C., in the 7th year of the reign of the Emperor Claudius [or Thursday, 1st February AD 48])

‘NERONI CLAVDIO DIVI CLAVD AVG F GERMANICI CAES NEPOTI TI CAES AVG PRONEPOTI DIV AVG ABN CAESARI AVG GERM TR P IV IMP V COS IV S C V M’

(‘To Nero Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, son of the Divine Claudius Augustus Germanicus, grandson of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, great-grandson of the Divine Augustus, great-great-grandson of Caesar, in the fourth year of his holding tribunicia potestas, hailed imperator five times, consul four times, under his care this offering deservedly (is made).’

- Inscription, dated AD 58, honouring the Emperor Nero, on a building in the new port of Noviomagus, Britannia.

Publius Ostorius Scapula was white-faced. Although he was a brave and capable general, and came from a famous military family, he had never previously been so scared in his life. Neither had he been so ill. Nevertheless, he was grateful still to be alive, having made the unwise decision to try, in the middle of winter, to traverse the sea-channel, 20 Roman miles wide at its narrowest point, which separated Britannia from Gaul.

Publius Ostorius Scapula was the successor to Aulus Plautius as Roman Governor of Britannia, thereby becoming the second man to hold the prestigious but also difficult post. He had been glad to receive the honour from the Emperor because large swathes of the island and of the local population had still not been subdued, and so there was every opportunity for him to gain glory.

Publius Ostorius Scapula even dreamt of receiving an ovation on his eventual return to Rome, just as his illustrious predecessor had done. However, he was not disillusioned about the size of the task given him by the Princeps, not least the capture alive of the chieftain known as Caratacus, who remained a substantial nuisance to the legions on the island.

Publius Ostorius Scapula’s splendid flagship, a trireme based on the original Greek models, had started off from Gaul on a beautiful winter’s day heading for Rutupiae, where his predecessor’s forces had first landed over four years previously. Then, almost a thousand boats had been required to transport over 40,000 men and 4,000 mules, along with horses, associated equipment and rations. The location had since been transformed into a major port and fortress, the Roman gateway to Britannia, a fact illustrated by the construction, still underway at the time of the new Governor’s journey, of a magnificent massive ‘quadrifons’, or ‘triumphal arch’. The new associated town had grown rapidly to acquire a significant population and become the starting point for a road that now runs northwest through Cantiacorum, Londinium, Verulamium and eventually to the distant island of Mona.

The Roman arrival over four years previously had met no initial resistance. This was because a delay by the legions in departing from Gaul had caused the expectant, impatiently waiting, hostile Britannian tribes to believe that an invasion was no longer imminent. They therefore disbursed back to their lands and villages, and to their normal functions in life, for none were permanent professional soldiers.

The Romans had delayed because of a non-violent mutiny, caused by soldiers hesitating to try to conquer peoples who had acquired a notorious reputation. The Britannians were known to possess extremely fierce and very capable warriors, who were skilled horsemen and charioteers and painted themselves in scary blue woad. They also seemed to be supported by strange gods, to whom they supposedly regularly offered human sacrifices, a supposition that I can reassure the reader was a slanderous myth.

The unhappiness of ordinary legionnaires was compounded by the fact that they were used to marching on dry land, not voyaging across dangerous cold oceans into the unknown. They also worryingly realised that, after landing, there was really nowhere to retreat to, if events turned against them, except back into the sea.

I know that I am biased because I am Britannian but I should like to point out that my people were genuinely not ignorant barbarians. We were organised into settled local kingdoms, which issued their own coinage. We were skilled in a range of technologies. For example, we knew how to mine metallic ores to smelt and transform into excellent items of bronze, iron and gold, including weaponry and fine jewellery. Our roundhouses were built by wood and stone workers of great ability, and our large hill-forts were impressive constructions, with ramparts and ditches that had required significant feats of earth-moving. We had also traded peacefully with the Romans and other continentals for many years, exchanging grain and metals such as tin for the likes of wine.

It took the despatch from the Imperial capital of Claudius’ chief freedman, Narcissus, to steady the morale of the Roman soldiers. He used an astute mix of flattery, bribery and threats to encourage the eventual departure to the shores of Britannia of Aulus Plautius’ four legions, the XX Valeria, IX Hispania, XIV Gemina and II Augusta, the latter commanded by Titus Flavius Vespasianus senior. These legions, each about 5,120 strong, consisting of a first cohort comprising twelve centuries of about 80 men and nine other cohorts half this size, provided the invaders’ main infantry contingents. Auxiliary units, from places such as Batavia, Gaul, Hispania and Africa, supplied specialist forces, especially cavalry, archers, slingers and troops expert in siege craft and water-borne operations.

Roman military organisation, along with excellent equipment and training, has important implications in battle, resulting in their many successes and few failures. The cohorts, armed mainly with swords and pila, or spears, and protected by heavy shields, are flexible formations, sufficiently small to be manoeuvred easily but big enough to have significant effect. Frequent practice route marches and drills, and mock battles, help to keep them fine-tuned for warfare, and the foreign auxiliary units complement them perfectly.

The aggrieved tribes of Britannia were forced to re-assemble their forces when the bad news of the successful unopposed landing of the Romans eventually filtered through to them. However, they were no longer in a position to defeat the invaders on the seashore and so had to prepare to meet the enemy in battle in another carefully selected defensive position, more inland and alongside a wide tidal river, the Medway.

The approach of the Roman invaders, filing across the countryside in an apparently endless, highly ordered line of legions, auxiliaries and baggage trains, must have been an awesome sight. The vision of the infantry in gleaming armour and chain mail, signallers with exotic-looking horns and trumpets, standard bearers displaying many colourful banners, and men, receding into the distance, generally clearly meaning business must have caused great concern to my militarily more primitive compatriots.

Nevertheless, the Britannians, led by Caratacus and his brother Togodumnus, thought that their defensive dispositions were impregnable. Unfortunately, my countrymen were to be proved wrong when Batavian mercenaries, experts at traversing deep rivers on horseback by clinging onto their steeds’ mains, bringing an infantryman each with them, outflanked the unsuspecting native forces.

Fierce fighting ensued but the Batavian action enabled Aulus Plautius to launch the II Augusta, under Titus Flavius Vespasianus, across the river. The legion managed to establish a safe bridgehead, which allowed the unit to intervene decisively in the battle, forcing the remaining Britannians, including Caratacus, to flee. Meanwhile, amongst the dead they left behind were Togodumnus and my own father and brother.

The conflict gained the invaders a secure foothold in Britannia. Aulus Plautius, with Titus Flavius Vespasianus permitted a largely independent command, then went on to subdue the south of the island with assured patience. No other major battles were fought. Instead, the natives retreated into their many large, formidable hill-forts, only for superior Roman expertise in, and weaponry for, siege warfare to cause each bastion to fall one by one. The proficient use of catapults, battering rams and ballistae, capable of shooting deadly bolts great distances with excellent precision, quickly turned fortifications of sturdy timber into splinters.

Some sieges were prolonged and bloody, with whole populations of hill-forts massacred, but others were very short. Many local chieftains had appreciated the lessons provided by the awful fate of those resisting the invaders, and had seen the array of deadly machines lined up to destroy their own bastions, and so negotiated surrenders were quickly agreed.

In the latter case, the Romans invariably destroyed the defences of the hill-forts but, as per the usual policy, otherwise let the locals be, absorbing them as subject peoples into the Empire instead. However, as I have mentioned earlier, Caratacus, king of my own tribe, resolutely carried on the fight, although basically now as a guerrilla leader.

After about thirty successful conflicts, Titus Flavius Vespasianus returned to Rome earlier than his superior, Aulius Plautius, to be granted a ‘ornamenta triumphalia ’ by the Emperor. This was not as great an honour as an ovation but nevertheless most welcome for someone of such humble background, currently trying to earn Imperial renown. Although the general’s equestrian father had been a minor provincial banker and tax collector, the family business had traditionally been that of large-scale muleteers, the animal forming the bedrock of land transportation throughout the Empire.

Nevertheless, despite his victories and friendship with the Emperor’s most powerful freedman, Narcissus, Titus Flavius Vespasianus was now denied further military command for a few years. This was not unusual because Princeps do not like their generals becoming too successful and thereby potentially over-mighty, a situation that might be a threat to their own positions.

Accordingly, Titus Flavius Vespasianus had to content himself for the time being with advancing his career by seeking important political positions instead. He was rewarded by the Emperor with two priesthoods and, already now a Senator and therefore considered promoted from equestrian to patrician, was currently aiming for a Consulship.

Publius Ostorius Scapula never reached Rutupiae. The weather had been cold but sunny and clear at the beginning of his voyage, with a nice southerly breeze to help speed his vessel, without sail but possessing three rows of oars manned by slaves, north towards the beckoning white cliffs of Britannia, or so the general thought. Unfortunately, the new Governor had then discovered, much to the distress of both his mind and stomach, that the climate in the narrow sea channel, known to the Romans as the ‘Fretum Gallicum’, is highly changeable.

An easterly gale had blown up, as if from nowhere, leading to heavy rain, seemingly, to the landlubbers, mountainous waves and, to the amusement of the sailors, much vomit from the soldiers on board. Publius Ostorius Scapula’s flagship had then been driven west into the wider sea, known to the Romans as the ‘Oceanus Britannicus’. Thankfully for the new Governor, his desperate prayers to Neptunus must have been answered because the storm eventually relented, allowing access to another, much more westerly new port, Noviomagus.

The harbour was already full of liburnians, the standard troop carrying ship, with two rows of oars apiece, and broader, flat-bottomed transport vessels for military cargo. Neither type of boat represented much of a change from those possessed centuries earlier by the Hellenes. In fact, as far as I can judge, the only Roman innovation is an improved steering oar. A crank handle and pivoting device enable the oar to be moved easily, including twisting and tilting, making navigation much simpler compared to the contraptions used previously by the Greeks and, before them, the Aegyptians.

Noviomagus had grown rapidly since the invasion, primarily because it was not only now a major military fort and supply base but also the tribal capital of the Atrebates, historically loyal friends and trading partners of the Romans. The south of Britannia having been subdued, the port would soon lose the army logistical function in favour of localities to the east, such as Rutupiae, which shortened the sea crossing from Gaul. However, the continued strategic importance of the town and its people to the invaders would encourage substantial urban development to continue, although at first most buildings remained largely wooden.

Grander stone constructions began to appear a little later, several with inscriptions honouring concurrent Emperors, when the Romans, thankful for the co-operation of the Atrebates, began to build a magnificent villa for the local king, Cogidubnus. This was located about 1½ miles away from Noviomagus, near to where the invaders had created a safe deep-water anchorage shortly after their first landings. The house was to be truly regal in all senses of that word.

Publius Ostorius Scapula was, however, just currently very thankful just to have a simple wooden military hut to protect him from the unpleasant exterior elements, plus the delightful comfort of having dry land under his feet. However, it would still take a few hours for his stomach to readjust to the fact that the world was not now undulating wildly. Consequently, the general would temporarily have to forego the sustenance of food.

(Imperial palace, Rome, Dies Solis A.D. III Id. Feb. DCCCI A.V.C., in the 7th year of the reign of the Emperor Claudius [or Sunday, 11th February AD 48])

‘People often grudge others what they cannot enjoy themselves.’

- Aesop (‘The Dog in the Manger’)

Meanwhile, Publius Ostorius Scapula’s predecessor, Aulus Plautius, had taken his two young beloved sons to an important state occasion at the Imperial palace. His erstwhile best military underling, Titus Flavius Vespasianus senior, was doing the same with his own only son.

They were all attending the 7th birthday party of Titus Flavius Vespasianus junior’s best friend, Britannicus, as were many of the most important adults and children of Rome. Claudius and Messalina were unusually together to act formally as hosts, whilst their happy son received many expensive gifts, as well as loud adulation for his developing looks and abilities from many guests, praise which was not just sycophantic.

Agrippina and her own son, Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, were present, but only reluctantly as a matter of duty, for to decline the invite might in turn invite the Emperor’s disfavour.

Relationships between the Imperial niece and wife, who were also cousins, were icy but nevertheless Agrippina had managed to maintain cordiality with her uncle. This was aided by her fawning attentions whenever she visited Claudius, when her actions were frequently blatantly full of sexual teasing, for she knew full well the man’s weaknesses. For example, she would feel no compunction in encouraging intimate bodily contact whilst pretending to mother him by straightening his often disheveled attire. She would also stand to stoke the seated Emperor’s hair whilst they talked. Sometimes, when she really wanted a favour, she would even shamelessly sit on the Princeps’ knee and gently massage his face.

This, of course, all occurred in private and now was no occasion for such a display of false fidelity towards her uncle. Agrippina instead had to mingle in the crowd of guests, whilst harbouring deep resentment at the hated Messalina standing next to the Emperor.

Claudius still frequently displayed his unfortunate mannerisms, much to the secret amusement of some observers, including his two-faced niece. She initially wondered how everyone managed to keep a straight face at the sight, until she remembered how much power this one man possessed. He could, after all, order the immediate execution of anyone present, regardless of status, and no-one would dare demur, probably including the victim.

Agrippina eventually contented herself with talking to Pallas, Claudius’ freedman in charge of state finances. She did not mind entering into this conversation, even though such Imperial servants were deeply resented by most patricians, because the rich and influential man represented her only ally in inner court circles. She had managed to secure such allegiance by occasionally allowing the former slave access to her rather pleasant body.

Pallas acquainted Agrippina about Messalina’s latest series of infidelities, including one the Empress had furtively planned for the following day whilst her husband went on a provincial visit. He did not advise the Imperial niece how he had learnt of the Imperial wife’s intent, and she knew better than to ask.

Meanwhile, Agrippina’s son, Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, looked from afar, with undisguised hatred in his eyes, at the happy birthday boy, Brtiannicus, currently the centre of all attention.

(Plebeian quarter, Rome, next day)

“….tired but never satisfied.”

- Juvenal (describing Messalina’s attitude on returning to the Imperial palace at the end of this infamous day)

Messalina was frustrated, although for a change her lack of fulfillment was not sexual in nature. She was instead galled that Caius Silius, whom she had persuaded her husband to make a Consul-designate, had again come up with another excuse for not launching the coup against Claudius, which had been timed for when the Princeps was absent from Rome. Although the reason propounded by my master had been plausible, the 25 year-old woman was beginning to develop doubts about the man’s courage, for this was the second time that he had argued successfully for deferment.

In fact, Caius Silius would continue to vacillate for many more months before he finally gathered the nerve to proceed, although, to be truthful, this was mainly induced not by summoned courage but by cowardice. As a result of his wavering inaction, my master had been on the receiving end of increasingly serious threats from the Empress until going ahead with the plot eventually seemed the safest course of action.

Meanwhile, Messalina decided to try to dispel one source of frustration by perpetrating, whilst her husband made his provincial visit, her greatest sexual infidelity so far. She challenged one of Rome’s most notorious harlots, Scylla, to a competition to see who could enjoy the most men before having to surrender to fatigue.

In the event, the prostitute managed less than 20 before bowing to inevitable defeat. However, this did not prevent the Empress from continuing to entertain more clients, up to a total of 25, in the up-market brothel where she performed under a pseudonym. Some customers were very ugly but the very attractive young woman did not mind because she enjoyed variety.

(Domus of Agrippina, Rome, same time)

‘Non omnes qui habent citharam sunt citharoedi.’

(‘Not all who own a lyre are lyre-players.’)

- Varro

Agrippina, niece of the present Emperor and sister, as well as incestuous lover, to his predecessor, was also suffering frustration. The twice-widowed 33 year-old, last exceptionally rich husband married for his money and then quietly disposed of with poison, a marriage practice she was to repeat, now chose to express her anger to her latest paramour, a 22 year-old patrician by the name of Faenius Rufus.

“Why doesn’t someone tell Uncle Claudius about Messalina’s debauchery?” Agrippina again enquired hypocritically, only to receive the usual reply from her visitor. “Because the Emperor’s so enraptured by her that he wouldn’t believe in her many infidelities,” Faenius Rufus responded, “and would instead probably have the messenger killed. Also, the Imperial freedmen, especially that old rogue Narcissus, seem to prefer the devil they have to an unknown replacement whose influence could mean their own ends as well. They realise as well as anyone how the Princeps can be dominated by a beautiful spouse. They have an uneasy alliance with the present incumbent of the post and seem happy to foster that as long as their own positions aren’t threatened.”

“I know that Pallas is an exception,” advised Agrippina. Faenius Rufus did not comment, appreciating that the powerful freedman in charge of state finances had also been a recent lover of his female host. He instead allowed his latest paramour to continue.

“However,” Agrippina commented, “Pallas can’t act without the others, especially Narcissus, Callistus, Polybius and that eunuch Posides. Without their support, he’d be a dead man, which, I suppose, only reinforces your point.”

“Uncle Claudius really is a dope,” Agrippina now announced with clear frustrated annoyance, “and because of that he shouldn’t be in possession of the purple. My own son has a much better blood claim to the Principate and, even though he’s only just celebrated his tenth birthday, I’m sure he’d do a better job, especially with me to guide him!” “I’m sure he would,” Faenius Rufus obsequiously responded to the observation, which was, of course, dangerously treacherous.

“Well,” Agrippina continued, with a sigh towards her own latest infidelity partner, “it seems that there’s currently little that we can do to remedy the present sad situation. I therefore hope that the Imperial whore eventually goes too far and sows the seeds of her own downfall.” “I hope so too,” Faenius Rufus concurred, although he had to raise his voice in order to be heard.

A loud awful noise had arisen in an adjacent room, where the son Agrippina had just lauded had begun another lesson with the lyre. Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus’ 16 year-old personal slave, Epaphroditus, who was standing next to his young master, quietly cringed at the bedlam.

Epaphroditus secretly despised his chubby young charge, whom he found inappropriately haughty about his own talents and attributes, as well as spoilt, rude and obnoxious to serve. The slave had therefore privately thoroughly enjoyed his master’s acute discomfort the previous year, when he had been forced to run humiliatingly naked through the crowded streets of Rome.

Epaphroditus often wished that Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus would suffer similar degradations more often, or would even be stabbed by someone to put an end to the misery the boy regularly inflicted on others. This was just such a time, although the current anguish was purely to human auditory systems. However, as the slave’s ears were assailed by the awful noise, whilst his mind dreamt of plunging a knife into the perpetrator’s young body, he would never have believed that one day he would be offered the opportunity, from an unusual source, for his fantasy to come true.

(Domus of Palemon, Rome, same time)

‘Studium discendi voluntate, quae cogi non potest constat.’

(‘Study depends on the good will of the student, a quality that cannot be secured by compulsion.’)

- Quintilianus (‘Institutio Oratoria’)

Axenius guided the 28 year-old teacher, employed by Palaemon especially to assist with the development of the most talented pupils, into his master’s presence. The visitor, once a slave himself, politely thanked his employer’s servant for the courtesy.

“Welcome to my domus, Lucius Annaeus Cornutus,” Palaemon greeted the pleasant guest, who had originated from Leptis Magna in Libya and had been granted his freedom from slavery 8 years earlier in the will of his original master, Seneca the Elder. “Thank you for the invitation to discuss my next assignment,” declared the freedman, “for I have to confess that I’m eager to discover what you want me to do!”

“Well,” Palaemon replied, with a conspiratorial grin, “whilst Axenius kindly brings us some wine, I’ll therefore proceed without delay to acquaint you with what I have in mind. I have a special project that I’d like you to assume.” “And what would that be?” asked a fascinated Cornutus.

“P and Q” Palaemon replied, intriguingly to his employee.

(Domus of Aemilia Lepida Minor, Rome, same time)

‘Dux femina facti.’

(‘The leader of the deed was a woman.’)

- Virgil

Aemilia Lepida Minor, another cousin of Agrippina and great granddaughter of the Emperor Augustus, was happily dining with her children, all young adults. Present were her three handsome sons, Marcus Junius Silanus, Lucius Junius Silanus and Decimus Junius Silanus, and two attractive daughters, Junia Lepida and Junia Calvina. However, the family matriarch’s pleasure at enjoying the meal with her offspring would have turned to acute indigestion if she had known that all but one of those present would be dead, none from natural causes, within a few years.

(Imperial palace, Rome, Dies Veneris Id. Mar. DCCCI A.V.C., in the 7th year of the reign of the Emperor Claudius [or Friday, 15th March AD 48])

‘Brevis ipsa vita est sed malis fit longior.’

(‘Our life is short but is made longer by misfortunes.’)

- Publius Syrus

The Ides of Martius had returned again, the anniversary of my first delightful meeting with Axenius. To me, now 16 years of age but still looking much younger, the last year had seemed to pass remarkably quickly. I still had no inkling of the transformation that DCCCI would cause my life, or that of many others, although a young man and woman would soon learn about their own immediate fate to their personal cost.

“I’m afraid it’s true,” Aulus Vitellius announced convincingly, with crocodile tears in his eyes, “as I see no reason why my slaves would advise me falsely.” In fact, the proficient liar had every reason to suspect the relevant pair of servants to be untruthful because he had bribed them to be, with promises of both freedom and substantial amounts of money.

The face of Claudius, who had just returned to the palace from the ceremony held in the temple of the Divine Julius in the forum to commemorate the 92nd anniversary of the death of his ancestor, Julius Caesar, turned red in fury at the news of the treachery. “I’ll have the pair beheaded!” the Emperor declared. However, Aulus Vitellius, thinking that such retribution for wicked infidelity might be going too far, then managed to persuade the Princeps to commute the sentences to a pair of scandalous separations, which would ruin the miscreants’ public reputations. “Death is too good for them,” the patrician had suggested, “so let them suffer the opprobrium of society instead!”

Aulus Vitellius had, of course, sought mercy not out of concern for the couple he had just denounced but out of regard for his own personal welfare. His victims had influential family and friends whom he did not want to alienate too much. A literally clear-cut end to the pair through decapitation might make him seem to many to be a murderous slanderer but his entreaties for clemency, which he would ensure became publicly known, would confuse the issue in many minds. This should enable him to be considered sympathetically by many as a deeply wronged and cuckolded husband who had nevertheless displayed great merciful compassion. The patrician rather fancied playacting this role, for he was sure to be mothered by many voluptuous Roman matrons as a consequence.

Aulus Vitellius had just informed the Emperor that the Princeps’ prospective son-in-law, Lucius Junius Silanus, was conducting an incestuous love affair with his own sister, Junia Calvina, who happened to be the patrician’s wife. Claudius was fool enough to believe him without further investigation, a stance later encouraged by Messalina, who saw another threat to her position and that of her son, in the form of members of the Junius gens, thereby handily removed.

Despite the expected protestations of innocence from Lucius Junius Silanus and his sister, Junia Calvina, the betrothal of the former to the Emperor’s young daughter, Octavia, was immediately terminated, as was the marriage of the latter to Aulus Vitellius. The shamed pair then had to retire from public life, accompanied by vociferous public condemnation, because few believed their denials of indulging in incest. After all, there was no clear motive for framing the couple with a false allegation.

Suspicions regarding the perfidy of the accused increased shortly afterwards when the two slaves who had testified against them were found in a back alley of Rome with their throats cut. Surely, most people assumed, although none could prove the presumption, Lucius Junius Silanus and Junia Calvina had vengefully commissioned the murders of their accusers, for what other reason could there be? In fact, the deaths of the lying pair saved Aulus Vitellius much money, as well as worry about people who knew too much, a possible temptation for them to blackmail him in future.

As Caius Silius had done previously in respect of Gaius, Aulus Vitellius had hired assassins, who asked no questions and worked for remarkably little financial reward. However, the result of their work seems to suggest that he selected better men to perpetrate the deed than did my master’s major domo on his employer’s behalf.

Later, the highly ambitious Aulus Vitellius bided his time to initiate his next planned move, to be the new betrothed of Octavia, a manoeuvre he hoped might, one day, lead him to the purple. He believed that he needed to allow a respectable period to elapse before making his proposal or his motive for denouncing his wife and brother-in-law might fall under suspicion. He also needed to nurture Messalina’s approval. However, unfortunately for the patrician, he was to wait too long, as circumstances in the Imperial court would change radically.

(Villa of Caius Silius, Rome, same time)

‘Semper avarus eget.’

(‘The greedy is always in need.’)

- Horace

It was early afternoon and I was about to depart my master’s villa, having served Sribonia and Tullia throughout the morning. I was to be accompanied by Apollinus whilst I made my way along the Via Flamina to enjoy another picnic as a guest of Palaemon.

Naturally, I was to meet up with Gaius, Hylas and Axenius at the event, whilst Apollinus eagerly looked forward to seeing Petronius again. All of us had previously passed birthdays during the early months of the year.

Despite our excitement at the prospect of the remainder of the day ahead, Apollinus and I were feeling rather melancholy, as we had just heard, via the usual furtive information grapevine of Caius Silius’ slaves, some sad news. The youth, nullified and despatched to our master’s copper mine in Apulia for masturbating whilst secretly watching Sribonia and Tullia bathe, had been killed.

The youth had been transferred to Caius Silius’ new silver enterprise in Apulia, which did not as yet involve mining because the relevant, freshly discovered rich vein of ore extended upwards to ground level. This was exposed for easy surface extraction by virtue of channeling mountain water into large hillside reservoirs and then releasing torrents to wash away the soil and foliage on the slopes below. Unfortunately, an accident had occurred when one of the sluice gates had been opened and the 18 year-old nullified eunuch had been swept to his death, although there was also talk about the possibility of suicide.

I tried to dispel my personal sadness at the news by thinking of my beautiful lover. Gaius was quite clearly no longer a youth but rather a very handsome young man. Meanwhile, Axenius, despite now also being 18, still looked younger than his true years, perhaps, like me, because of his gelding. However, this phenomenon only seemed to add to our attractions as far as our respective paramours were concerned.

In fact, Gaius regularly kindly remarked to me that, to him, my beauty was refining even more every day. His passion for me had certainly not lessened, for he continued to take great pleasure in exploring my form, every crevasse of which he knew very intimately by now.

Even after making love, Gaius would invariably continue his seemingly awed examination of my body, concentrating in particular on my long blonde silky locks, still carefully combed and adorned daily with a fresh floral laurel by Apollinus. The 18 year-old from Volsinii would often admiringly describe my hair as like “Thin strands of pure gold”, for which flattery he would inevitably be rewarded with a grateful kiss from a pair of sweet rosy lips.

Axenius’ lovely head displayed a similarly fine blonde raiment, obviously, along with his other marvellous attributes, to the continued intense admiration of Palaemon, whose formerly wandering eyes were now contented with the vision of just one young splendid form. In fact, the renowned teacher would never bed anyone else during the remainder of his long life. Given his previous well-earned rakish reputation, many friends and acquaintances were astounded at the change, at least until they met the person, beautiful in both character and body, who was the cause of the infatuated transformation.

As Apollinus and I departed Caius Silius’ urban villa, we noticed a wagon draw up at a rear entrance. The vehicle was full of very precious and rare decorative objects, and was not the first loaded transport of this kind that had recently appeared. Our master was immensely rich but nevertheless the varied expensive items seemed to be, by their method of arrival in bulk, gifts rather than purchases.

Apollinus and I wondered whether the goods, which were quickly displayed around Caius Silius large palatial Roman residence, were perhaps a bequest from a recently deceased relative or friend. We were later to be amazed to discover that the owner was still very much alive.

One new ornament that I was later to notice in particular was a large yellow ‘crater’, or ‘mixing bowl’, with several bands of black decoration depicting scenes of Greek mythology, the uppermost being the Calydonian boar hunt. The ancient painter and potter Kleitas had signed the splendid ware and Gaius subsequently told me that it was therefore over 600 years old and immensely valuable.

(Imperial palace, Rome, same time)

‘….she that raised her glorious trophy at Marathon invented the potter’s wheel and the child of clay and the oven, noblest pottery, useful in housekeeping.’

- Athenaios (‘Deipnosophistai’, quoting Critias)

A smirking Aulus Vitellius had departed, personal infidelity, not of a sexual nature for a change but of a conniving treacherous one instead, successfully accomplished. Meanwhile, Claudius was only gradually cooling his temper. Consequently, he bellowed loudly in annoyance when he discovered that one of his favourite ornaments was missing from its ornate marble pedestal.

“Where’s Kleitas’ crater?’ the Emperor yelled at his attendant slave.

(Via Flamina, Rome, same time)

‘Homines dum docent, discunt.’

(‘While the men are teaching, they are learning.’)

- Seneca the Younger

Persius and Quintilianus, now both 14 years of age, were at Palaemon’s annual picnic in the pleasant company of their new tutor, Cornutus. The accomplished 28 year-old had been commissioned by his employer to develop further the creative writing skills of P and Q, whom the renowned teacher had correctly judged to possess great literary potential.

“Go on,” Cornutus encouraged, “it’s time to accept my challenge!”

Persius and Quintilianus hesitated, looking at each other apprehensively as they did so. However, they were spurred on their way when Cornutus, whom the boys had quickly come to both like and admire, enquired, with deliberate intent to shame, “You’re not going to let me down are you?”

Persius and Quintilianus therefore slowly approached the young gang nearby, also picnicking to celebrate the Festival of Anna Perenna. The group of young patricians were in the company of their personal slaves and consisted, with one notable exception, of the same boys, led by Marcus Salvius Otho, who had so humiliated and hurt P and Q exactly a year before.

Persius and Quintilianus had, of course, secured sweet revenge on the main perpetrators, and, although no retribution had so far been suffered, they were still wary that their victims might wish to exact reciprocal vengeance. However, it was now, as they attempted to carry out the advice of Cornutus, in whom they had confided details of the previous year’s incidents, that they discovered that all but one retained no hard feelings. The new teacher of P and Q had told his new young pupils that it was best to make boyhood friends as opposed to enemies, and so it would be wise to try to eradicate any mutual animosities between themselves and others.

Otho, now 16 years old and soon to be awarded his toga virilis, saw Persius and Quintilianus approach and stood up to see what they wanted. He was quickly flanked by 15 year-old Rubellius Plautus, 12 year-old Silius Italicus and 9 year-old Marcus Annaeus Lucanus. 10 year-old Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus was not present. He had left the gang in disgust at the lack of desire to seek revenge on P and Q for forcing them to run naked through Rome.

“Greetings, Marcus Salvius Otho,” Persius declared in a nervous voice, not knowing what the reaction would be from the leader of the gang or his companions, who, of course, outnumbered P and Q.

In response, Otho initially just appraised the two pupils of Palaemon carefully, without noticeable expression of either hostility or amity. Both Persius and Quintilianus began to fear the worst and readied themselves to flee the scene.

Persius and Quintilianus were therefore greatly relieved when Otho’s handsome face suddenly beamed with a broad smile and reciprocated the greeting, before adding “Would our worthy rivals care to join us?”

Shortly afterwards, Persius and Quintilianus were sharing the gang’s picnic, whilst engaged in animated conversation with their erstwhile enemies. Much laughter arose from the scene, as adversarial adventures of the previous year were now recalled with amusement, which was a far different reaction to that experienced by the victims at the time.

Meanwhile, Cornutus looked at the scene from nearby, smiling at the efficacy of his suggestion to his newest pupils. As he did so, he felt an arm gently tap his shoulder. He turned to discover Palaemon standing beside him with an equally wide grin.

“Well done,” Palaemon announced.

(Estate of Caius Silius, Campania, Dies Iovis A.D. XII Kal. Iul. DCCCI A.V.C., in the 7th year of the reign of the Emperor Claudius [or Thursday, June 20th, AD 48])

‘Gaius Caecilius Claudius Isidorus, in the consulship of Gaius Asinius Gallus and Gaius Marcius Censorinus [8 B.C.], upon the sixth day before the kalends of February, declared by his will, that though he had suffered great losses by the civil wars, he was still able to leave behind him 4,116 slaves, 3,600 yoke of oxen and 257,000 head of other kinds of cattle, besides in ready money 60,000,000 sesterces. Upon his funeral, he ordered 1,100,000 sesterces to be expended.’

- Pliny The Elder (providing an example of the wealth of a rich landowning patrician)

Gaius had officially finished his education and had, with Hylas, already returned to Volsinii, intent on persuading his parents to allow him to return to Rome after the summer to study further, with a view to embarking on a career in philosophy. He knew that his mother would inevitably counter-argue about matrimony. I was of course deeply worried about the outcome of the debate, wondering whether I would ever see my wonderful young lover again.

Meanwhile, on the 20th day of Junius, I departed again for Caius Silius’ Campanian estate, to be of service to Sribonia and Tullia during their annual vacation.

Fortunately, the girls’ suggestion to their father that all his male slaves, apart from the breeders, should be castrated had not yet been acted upon. However, having heard the relevant conversation between daughters and parent, I knew that my master’s negative response was not down to merciful consideration towards his human chattels, for he had replied that he liked the idea. Instead, Caius Silius’ dismissal of the proposal appeared only to be temporary, as he claimed that now was not the time to create public argument by implementing such a contentious measure, although he would reconsider the issue in future. I was soon to discover why he currently wished to retain an uncontroversial profile as opposed to being the cause of heated social debate.

My fears for the future welfare of Apollinus’ balls therefore remained, although I did not appraise him of this because I did not want to spoil his summer, for he was once more accompanying me to Campania. On this occasion, my master’s major domo had been bribed to allow the youth to go not by Palaemon, as in the previous year, but by Petronius.

Petronius had again persuaded Caius Silius to grant him use of his Campanian villa for the summer, having been secretly commissioned once more to look after my welfare. This time, my wellbeing was not seriously thought to be in present danger but none of my friends wanted to take a chance on dropping their guard. Despite my master’s apparent current distraction with other matters, they feared that he would not have forgotten past humiliations and might therefore just be biding his time to secure terrible retribution at what he considered to be the right moment. Their worries were ultimately to prove to be well founded, although not immediately.

In fact, the summer in Campania was rather quiet but pleasant, despite the fact that Caius Silius had not this year granted Petronius an extra slave. Accordingly, I was not relieved from my duties to serve and chaperon Sribonia and Tullia to attend instead to the young man, who therefore had to rely on his own personal servant, someone who had largely been redundant during the previous sojourn to this locale. However, the effect of their absent young friend, Britannicus, on the girls’ attitudes continued to make the performance of my chores a much more attractive proposition than previously, when the influence of Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus had been predominant.

In Campania, it was, of course, not me who now frequently shared Petronius’ bed. Apollinus’ pleasure at the trip was additionally boosted by another happy family reunion.

Apollinus’ father, mother and brother initially made no comment at all about my fellow 16 year-old’s continued love affair, which he was unable to disguise. His general bearing simply gave away the fact that he was still deeply enraptured, and his parents and sibling were to meet the cause of this happiness when Petronius made a courtesy call to their tiny slave dwelling, an unprecedented action for a patrician.

The immaculately attired Petronius, who had been acquainted with the secret about Apollinus’ family by the youth himself, lingered for a long time in the shack, accepting the hospitality of his young lover’s parents with his usual impeccable grace and elegance. He also engaged them in lengthy polite conversation, covering many topics, not least their background and his own.

After Petronius departed, promising to visit regularly during his stay, an undertaking he was to keep, it was evident from the proud faces of Apollinus’ parents that they were happy with their son’s choice of lover. They might have preferred a heterosexual relationship but appreciated that this was difficult to achieve safely under Caius Silius’ proprietorship, which extended to exclusivity over the authorisation of paramours, as evidenced by the boy and girl respectively castrated and infibulated on the estate the previous year for an illicit liaison. I saw both working on the farm during the present trip. They looked pitifully sad and morose.

The attitude of Apollinus’ parents was undoubtedly assisted by the facts that the affair was fully approved by Caius Silius, and so their offspring was not endangered by the liaison, and it was obvious that Petronius genuinely cared for their son. They reasoned that, if the young man’s infatuation had been purely sexual, he would not have taken the trouble either to bother with them or to try to make the life of the 16 year-old as happy as possible. The patrician could simply have forced himself on the beautiful youth whenever he wanted, knowing that resistance, or even just reluctance, from a slave could be countered by severe punishment.

Apollinus’ parents also appeared pleased that the relationship did not seem to be just a passing fad, for Petronius and their son had been lovers since the previous summer. In response to discreet but concerned queries, I additionally reassured them that the young man’s caring attitude towards their offspring extended to Rome, where he had unsuccessfully tried to buy the youth from Caius Silius in order to look after his welfare even better.

I believe that my friend’s father and mother eventually began to hope that the relationship between Apollinus and Petronius might lead one day to their son’s freedom, perhaps accompanied by that of his younger brother and their own. I prayed to the god of the sun, Helius, that their dream would come true.

Then my eyes turned to the worldly Helius, Apollinus’ sibling who, despite being two years younger, was now as tall as me. The boy, newly 14 years old, had blossomed marvellously in the ten months since I had last seen him.

It was a mixture of factors that encouraged me to seduce Helius. I was very grateful to him for much help and kindness during my stay, and my physical attraction to his wonderful form was reciprocated, judging by the frequent unmistakable glance of longing in his eyes as he looked at me. I also experienced a touch of nostalgia, for the boy now had the gorgeous looks of his brother when we had first met and he had been the same age. Additionally, with his sibling now in Petronius’ bed most nights, I was both a little jealous and lonely, as I tried to sleep alone on the straw bedding kindly provided once more by his parents in a corner of their dwelling.

Helius’ parents retired early one night, both having suffered a hard day and expecting another to begin at dawn. I therefore invited their 14 year-old son to my curtained corner to continue the conversation in which we had been engaged for some time, in surroundings that would be less disturbing to the repose of the kind hard-working adults.

Advancing from this new position to a situation where Helius and I now removed our slave tunics with mutual eagerness, to indulge subsequently in passionate kissing and fondling, necessitated little action on my part. The change of activity took no more than a light brush of my hand on the boy’s delightfully exposed bare thigh, accompanied by the whisper “We can always do something else if you’re bored of talking!”

Helius needed no explanation of what I meant, or second invitation. His cock was already firmly erect when it was revealed to me for the first time, as his tunic rose up his gorgeous body. Sadly, it was a reaction that I was unable to replicate, not having the full equipment to achieve such a feat. However, he did not appear to mind, although his eyes did display some curiosity and wonder when he handled gelded genitalia for the first time in his life. Nevertheless, he also seemed to gain enormous pleasure from feeling my own smooth flaccid penis whilst I reciprocated the attention on his throbbing member, substantial for a 14 year-old.

I quickly found my lips drawn downwards to Helius’ rampant cock and was soon licking up the stream of precum emerging from his penile slit. No hair at all was present in the pleasant genital surrounds, apart from a slight downy crown just above. The boy issued low ecstatic moans as I proceeded and this caused me to hope that his parents would not be wakened and alerted to what we were doing by the passionate noises. Whether they ever did we never did discover, for they never let on, although I thought that I detected a knowing gleam in the father’s eyes at breakfast next morning.

It was soon evident that I had brought Helius, now lying face-up on the straw, close to ejaculation. My lips therefore left his cock to ask “How do you want me to pleasure you, mouth or rear?” The boy was almost too overwhelmed by rapturous delight to answer but eventually managed to splutter “R…e….ar!” I therefore gave his eager expectant penis one last thorough suck to ensure adequate lubrication before repositioning myself in a squatting position over him, whilst I guided his vertical shaft towards my sphincter.

Helius’ eyes were glazed in intense ecstasy and his rosy lips uttered low groans again, as I began to ride his smooth cock, my equally uniform anal walls encasing and pleasuring his shaft slowly but remorselessly. “Oh….gods,” the boy, two years younger than me although it would have been difficult to guess that fact if you did not already know the age differential, rapidly began to repeat in murmurs. I then felt his needy penis begin to fill my rectum, simultaneous to copious beads of sweat starting to form on his brow.

Afterwards, as Helius held me tightly, he expressed sincere thanks for helping him to lose his virginity. I replied that it was the least that I could do for his many courtesies. I subsequently received many more kindnesses from him that hot summer, during which the 14 year-old and I became very intimate friends indeed. It was a situation his perceptive older brother was not displeased about when he read the telltale signs.

(Claudiconium, Roman Imperial Province of Lycaonia, same time)

‘First say to yourself what you would be; and then do what you have to do.’

- Epictetus

Having been forced out of Pisidian Antiochia the previous autumn, Paul and Barnabas had taken the road almost 100 Roman miles east to Lycaonia and the city of Claudiconium, which had recently been renamed from Iconium in honour of the Emperor. The majority of the metropolis’ population was Greek but there was also a significant Jewish minority.

In Claudiconium, Paul and Barnabas again preached their new doctrine in the local synagogue, only to ferment further disquiet amongst many orthodox Jews. They therefore now felt compelled to travel 18 Roman miles south to Lystra to attempt to continue their mission in safety.

In Lystra, Paul and Barnabas were to befriend an uncircumcised youth, son of a Greek father and Jewish mother. His name was Timothy.

(Grammaticus of Palaemon, Rome, Dies Lunae A.D. VII Kal. Sep. DCCCI A.V.C., in the 7th year of the reign of the Emperor Claudius [or Monday, 26th August AD 48])

‘Stat magni nominis umbra.’

(‘He stands in the shadow of a great name.’)

- Lucan (‘Pharsalia’)

One consequence of the admittance of Persius and Quintilianus to Otho’s gang was the transfer of a very clever young patrician pupil to sit alongside the mainly equestrian boys in the grammaticus run by Cornutus on behalf of Palaemon. The newcomer’s great intelligence was illustrated by the fact that he was moving upwards from his ‘litterator’, or ‘elementary school’, at least one year earlier than usual, a situation entirely due to ability.

The class deliberately comprised those pupils of Palaemon who had displayed talent at creative literature. The 9 year-old particularly liked this academic field. He had therefore persuaded his reluctant parents, resident in faraway Cordova, capital of Baetica in southern Hispania, to move him, at the beginning of the new academic year, to the school run by the man quickly gaining the reputation as being Rome’s best literary coach, Cornutus.

As usual, patrician adults, ever self-conscious of family social standing, were initially unhappy to send a son to one of Palaemon’s establishments because of the man’s reputation and background. However, this particular boy’s burgeoning rhetorical skills had enabled him to overcome parental objections. He had been assisted by the fact that his father and mother knew Cornutus, because the tutor had once been the slave of the 9 year-old’s great uncle, Seneca the Elder. He had also been helped by being able to point out that he would sit alongside, and share accommodation with, an older fellow pupil from Hispania, Quintilianus, who now happened to be a friend.

Accordingly, the 9 year-old became one of Cornutus’ newest pupils, as well as his youngest. It was to prove a long and very fruitful partnership.

Marcus Annaeus Lucanus would occupy the bed, in the room shared by Persius and Quintilianus in Palaemon’s domus for residential pupils, vacated at the end of the previous term by Gaius and Hylas. The four former roommates had been greatly saddened at the inevitable breakup, an emotion only partly mollified by unanimous promises to keep in regular contact with each other.

Gaius, successful again in arguments with his mother, and Hylas now secured comfortable but modest alternative lodgings in Rome as autumn approached. I never asked my lover how much his desire to return to the Imperial capital depended on a genuine desire to learn more, to become the great philosopher the old soothsayer on the Vatican had foretold, and how much from a wish to remain close to me.

Regardless, as events unfolded, I was to be immensely grateful to Gaius not only for his continued loving presence in Rome but also once again for my personal salvation from a fate worse than death.

(Imperial palace, Rome, Dies Iovis A.D. VI Kal. Oct. DCCCI A.V.C., in the 7th year of the reign of the Emperor Claudius [or Thursday, 26th September AD 48])

‘Ut sementem feceris, ita metes.’

(‘As you sow, so shall you reap.’)

– Cicero (‘De Oratore’)

One month later, Messalina was rewarding Caius Silius with her body for finally agreeing to go ahead with their coup. The freshly confirmed schedule was to proceed in October when her husband would be spending a few days in Ostia, inspecting and dedicating new harbour improvements. The conspirators’ careful plan, already fully arranged, entailed my master’s major domo bribing the cook, who would be in charge of the catering at a banquet attended by the Emperor in the port city, to poison Claudius with a carefully chosen and acquired slow-acting toxin. This should allow the careful guardianship of the Emperor’s food intake by his eunuch taster to be bypassed until it was fatally too late for either Imperial master or slave to remedy the situation.

The fact that the Princeps died outside of Rome and the company of the conspirators had two main benefits. First, the circumstances should shield both Messalina and Caius Silius from any blame for Claudius’ sudden sad demise. This could instead be blamed on others present at the banquet, so literally killing several birds with one stone because the latter included enemies and rivals of the Empress, who could thereby be accused and executed. Second, the plotters’ presence in the Imperial capital should enable them, and their patrician and Praetorian allies, to overcome any resistance to their intended immediate declaration of Britannicus’ succession to the purple, naturally under a regency run by the Empress and her friends. Principal of these was, of course, to be my master.

Messalina’s happy mood at finally realising her aims to secure ultimate personal power even encouraged her to agree to bring forward a long-standing commitment to Caius Silius. He had divorced Crispina to be free to marry the Empress when the time came and he now wanted to cement his position in the Imperial hierarchy sooner rather than later to forestall rivals.

Caius Silius knew enough about the deviousness of Roman politics to appreciate that his co-conspirator, once she had obtained her objective, might choose to renege on their agreement and instead have him eliminated. My master also recognised that his demise would be much more difficult to achieve if he and Messalina were wed.

All details of the proposed assassination of the Emperor and subsequent usurpation of power finally confirmed, Caius Silius, the supposed handsomest man in Rome, although not to my eyes, returned his attention, or rather that of his reinvigorated cock, to entertaining the Empire’s greatest nymphomaniac.

Meanwhile, the furtively watching eyes at the nearby secret spyhole belonged, as usual, to Polybius, Claudius’ freedman librarian, who had also once been one of the many to enjoy Messalina’s body.

(Lystra, Roman Imperial Province of Lycaonia, same time)

‘Even a nod from a person who is esteemed is of more force than a thousand arguments or studied sentences from others.’

- Plutarch

Timothy, now firmly converted to the beliefs propounded by his new friends, Paul and Barnabas, was saddened to have to bid them farewell. Their controversial teachings had once again made a move to another location wise and so the pair of preachers was now heading 60 Roman miles further east, to the city of Derbe.

(Imperial palace, Rome, the next day)

‘Slight not what 's near through aiming at what 's far.’

- Euripides

Messalina was never one to miss the opportunity to enjoy being pleasured by a man, even one now advancing in years. Polybius knew this and had so readied himself for the private audience he had requested with the Empress by commissioning a court apothecary to provide him with a good aphrodisiac.

Despite his age, Polybius therefore performed his duty well before turning his attention to delivering his request. As he fondled Messalina’s buxom breasts, whilst the Empress and freedman lay naked on her bed, Claudius’ librarian startled the attractive 25 year-old woman by revealing that he knew all about her plot to assassinate the Princeps and seize power.

Messalina quickly appreciated, from the comprehensiveness of what Polybius described about the conspiracy, that it was useless to deny involvement. However, she did not panic because she also realised that she was still safe for the moment, as it was obvious that the freedman had not yet betrayed her plans and was instead intent on some form of blackmail. The Empress therefore decided to find out what the librarian desired and who else was acquainted with his dangerous data, before deciding what remedial action needed to be undertaken to safeguard her now precarious position.

Polybius declined to answer Messalina’s question as to how he had acquired his information but replied to another asking who else knew by lying “No-one!” The freedman then, in response to the Empress’ query as to what he wanted, declared “Only to serve you!” However, the young woman was not so easily fooled and so went on to enquire “How?”

“I wish to replace Narcissus,” Polybius announced whilst he stimulated the Empress’ nipples, “and replace Claudius’ other bureaucrats with men of my own choosing.” It was now Messalina’s turn to lie because, having calmed after the initial shock caused by the freedman’s revelations, she had no intention of succumbing to extortion. “I’m sure that can be arranged,” she suggested dishonestly, whilst returning her hand to re-excite the librarian’s flaccid cock, “as I’d welcome a discreet, loyal and capable servant such as you at my right-hand side!”

“And in your bed?” Polybius asked, as his penis rapidly grew again in response to Messalina’s expert manual attentions. “Of course,” the Empress replied, whilst encouraging the freedman to mount her once more.

Polybius was grateful for the undoubted efficacy of the apothecary’s aphrodisiac, as his rigid cock again penetrated Messalina’s vagina. His mind then began to drift into a delirium of pleasurable delight as fornication proceeded, a mental frenzy undoubtedly assisted by thoughts of his own imminent assumption of much greater and more lucrative influence in Imperial circles.

(Domus of Crispina’s family, Rome, same time)

‘It is circumstance and proper measure that give an action its character, and make it either good or bad.’

- Plutarch

The former wife of Caius Silius, Crispina, now 17 years old, was still intent on securing revenge against her former husband for what she considered the appalling murder of her baby and subsequent humiliating divorce. However, she had been unable to work out how such vengeance might be secured until one of her slave handmaidens appraised her of some gossip.

The young female slave had originally belonged to Caius Silius but had been allowed to remain with her similarly aged mistress after the marital separation. She had nevertheless maintained contact with a few other servants in her former master’s household and they had told her of the regular delivery of precious ornaments from an unknown source. Naturally, she passed this information on to an intrigued Crispina, who charged one of her father’s efficient freedman to investigate furtively.

“I had to pay a lot to discover the truth,” the freedman now advised Crispina, “because those responsible for the transportation are discreet for a very good reason. They’ve been told to keep their mouths shut and they fear for their lives if they don’t. However, by issuing some gold coins, I’ve learnt that the objects definitely come from the Imperial palace and are apparently gifts from the Empress.”

“Wonderful!” Crispina announced with a broad grin, as she happily reimbursed the freedman copiously for his good endeavours on her behalf. She had become aware of her former husband’s affair with Messalina and now had proof of its extent.

Crispina therefore began to work out how best she could use the evidence.

(Imperial palace, Rome, same time)

‘For somehow this is tyranny’s disease, to trust no friends.’

- Aeschylus (‘Prometheus Bound’)

Unfortunately for Polybius, his ecstasy was short-lived as an almighty deafening scream resounded from underneath him. The noisy surprise was such that it took some moments for the freedman to appreciate that Messalina was yelling, at the top of her voice, “Help, I’m being raped!”

By the time that Polybius did recognise what Messalina was up to, the bed on which they lay naked had been surrounded by several Praetorians, who had been guarding the corridors outside the Empress’ bedchamber.

“Drag him me off me,” Messalina shrieked, with well-acted hysteria, “and kill him. He asked for a private audience and then tried to rape me!”

The Praetorians quickly complied with the first part of the Empress’ command but hesitated to fulfil the second for two reasons. First, their prisoner was one of the Princep’s most favoured, and therefore most influential, freedmen. Second, they could not possibly believe that Messalina was being raped, or would be bothered if she was, for they knew her reputation very well, not least because all of them had enjoyed her body many times. However, unfortunately for Polybius, they were finally encouraged to obey the naked young woman fully when she shouted venomously “Run him through or I’ll get my husband to have you all tortured to death for complicity in the attack!”

Despite his protestations of innocence, Polybius then felt several short, stabbing swords efficiently and fatally penetrate his nude body, and darkness overcame both his eyes and mind, as he fell dead to the marble floor.

(Villa of Caius Silius, Rome, same time)

‘“Bury me on my face,” said Diogenes; and when he was asked why, he replied, “Because in a little while everything will be turned upside down.”’

- Diogenes

“Don’t worry this time about interference from Gaius Musonius Rufus or Quintus Remmius Palaemon,” Caius Silius advised his major domo, both men displaying wicked smirks, “because they’ll be amongst the first I’ll have arrested and executed. They’ll be tortured to death, with a number of others who have crossed me, having being charged with conspiring to murder the late lamented Emperor Claudius.”

“You can therefore just concentrate,” my master continued, “on inflicting as much pain as possible on that brat, Bicilus, before crucifying him, and make sure that his agony on the cross lasts at least a full day!”

(Imperial palace, Rome, same time)

‘Fere libenter homines id quod volunt credunt.’

(‘Men readily believe what they want to believe.’)

- Julius Caesar (Gallic Wars)

Messalina had to endure sympathy, in the form of unpleasant sexual consolations, from the man she soon intended to have murdered. Claudius not only believed his wife’s incredible accusations of rape against his erstwhile faithful librarian but also was distraught that he had employed someone who could perpetrate such a dreadful deed.

The Empress reluctantly recognised that the fastest way to close the rather alarming episode satisfactorily, and end her husband’s honest but obnoxious attempts to be a concerned loving spouse as quickly as possible, was to let him have his way with her and then ply him with much wine.

It was a strategy that worked perfectly.

(Ostia, Dies Saturni A.D. IV Id. Oct. DCCCI A.V.C., in the 7th year of the reign of the Emperor Claudius [or Saturday, 12th October AD 48])

‘Iacta alea est!’

(‘The die is cast!’)

- Suetonius (quoting Julius Caesar, as he unlawfully crossed the Rubicon into Italia with his legions)

Claudius had a penchant for mushrooms and was currently eyeing a delicious untouched array, presented alluringly in a light sauce and on a golden plate for his personal delectation, whilst his mouth greedily began to ooze phlegm. The Emperor pointed to the fungi fare to command his eunuch taster to sample a morsel before his Imperial master eagerly consumed the remainder.

As Claudius subsequently picked up his first mushroom to introduce it to his mouth, one of Caius Silius’ closest patrician allies, privy to the conspiracy and present to spy on events, smiled.

Meanwhile, in Rome, Messalina and Caius Silius, happy that their plot was proceeding successfully, were engaged in a marriage ceremony. Soon, moves would also be afoot to reek terrible retribution on their enemies, real or imagined, Gaius, Palaemon and myself included.

(To be continued in chapter XX – ‘Retributions’)

*